Arthur Miller Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Arthur Miller - Research Paper Example As an understudy in the University of Michigan, Miller sought after reporting as his major yet before long transformed it to English. This change opened the entryways for him as a dramatist. During his time in school, his most prominent impact was from his teacher and deep rooted companion Professor Kenneth Rowe (Wald, 2007). Miller’s first acknowledgment originated from the principal play he at any point composed known as ‘No Villain’ while as yet contemplating news coverage as his major. This play denoted a defining moment in Miller’s scholastics. For this play, Miller got the Avery Hope Award making him famous of writers. He kept on composing significantly in the wake of moving on from school seeking after a calling in scripting. In 1946, he composed ‘All My Sons’ and this play fixed his status as a scriptwriter and won him the best writer Tony Award for its prosperity on Broadway. His other persuasive works that individuals acknowledge righ t up 'til the present time are Death of a Salesman and the Crucible. Pot pushed him into difficulty with the (HUAC) House Un-American Activities Committee. Right up 'til the present time, his dramatist known as Death of a Salesman, can be considered among his best pieces (Fisher, 2009). The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) got inspired by the Millers works after the arrival of the Crucible. Here, Miller had compared them to the Salem witch trackers of 1692. Mill operator got the possibility of the Crucible from his companion Kazan who had sold out him by naming names before the HUAC. Mill operator at that point headed out to Massachusetts to a town called Salem to explore on the 1692 Witch preliminaries. Mill operator's companion, Kazan, affirmed and named him as a component of the eight individuals in his rundown of individuals in the Communist party. This thus, expanded the HUAC’s enthusiasm for him. In spite of him defeating HUAC’s allegations, the HUAC ’s activities fundamentally influenced Miller's life (Wald, 2007). Miller’s individual life was likewise in the spotlight after his union with his second spouse Marilyn Monroe. Monroe was an on-screen character and her life had been the object of extraordinary examination by people in general. He wedded Marlin in June of 1956 after he finished his first union with Mary Slattery. Mill operator and Slattery had two youngsters. Mill operator had met Monroe in 1951 and took part in an extramarital entanglements with her. After this issue, they stayed in contact. His union with Monroe matched with his tribulations with the HUAC, of which Monroe went with him. Be that as it may, these preliminaries put Monroe's vocation in danger due to the allegations made against Miller at that point. The HUAC had seen Miller as blameworthy when he wouldn't name others who bolstered Communist exercises. This prompted Miller’s US identification to be disavowed. The judge’s cho ice got toppled by the intrigue courts on grounds of deluding the observer. This can be founded on the way that Miller had made an arrangement with the appointed authority to show up under the watchful eye of the court which had summoned him before to affirm without naming some other individual (Fisher, 2009). He covered himself in his work. ‘The Misfits’ was the film he composed of which Marilyn his better half was featuring. Prior to its introduction in 1961, the couple separated. Mill operator commented that, during scripting of the film, he experienced one of the most unfortunate occurrences of his life. The demise of Monroe additionally cast some light back on Miller since she passed on only nineteen months after she and Miller had separated. Monroe kicked the bucket from a medication overdose. Mill operator proceeded onward to his next spouse who he stayed wedded to work her until his passing in 2002. Inge Morath was a picture taker by calling. Mill operator and M orath had two

American Economy Free Essays

From an expansive perspective, the macroeconomic arrangements created and actualized by the Federal Reserve (the Fed) are those which control the national flexibly of cash. Either through outside trade activities, or the executives of open assets, the Fed looks to keep up the degree of cash gracefully in manners that would support stable swelling rates. It ought to be noticed that while Fed’s macroeconomic arrangements will in general effect total interest and GDP these are essentially transient impacts, with the pace of swelling being the primary long haul focus of any fiscal strategy. We will compose a custom paper test on American Economy or on the other hand any comparable point just for you Request Now Presently, in states of the developing budgetary emergency, it is more than essential to rethink and reexamine the impacts of the major Fed’s macroeconomic strategies on the significant parts of the U. S. economy. Given the flimsiness of the current monetary and lodging markets, this investigation is required to turn into the wellspring of helpful strategy suggestions in short and since quite a while ago run. American Economy Introduction In an expansive sense, macroeconomic approaches created and actualized by the Federal Reserve (the Fed) are those which direct the national gracefully of cash. Either through outside trade activities, or the executives of open assets, the Fed tries to keep up the degree of cash flexibly in manners that would continue stable expansion rates. It ought to be noticed that while Fed’s macroeconomic arrangements will in general effect total interest and GDP these are basically momentary impacts, with the pace of expansion being the fundamental long haul focus of any money related approach. Presently, in states of the developing monetary emergency, it is more than critical to rethink and reconsider the impacts of the major Fed’s macroeconomic arrangements on the significant areas of the U. S. economy. Given the shakiness of the current money related and lodging markets, this examination is relied upon to turn into the wellspring of valuable strategy proposals in short and since quite a while ago run. Fiscal approaches have for quite some time been the issue of the Fed’s significant concern. Through the crystal of various financial elements, the Fed used to assess the causes and outcomes of specific money related choices and their consequences for monetary practices. Truly, nonetheless, that so as to assess the adequacy of the macroeconomic arrangements in the U. S. , a nitty gritty survey of the basic factors that remain behind the current financial emergency is required. The mix of the lodging and credit crunch drivers should be rethought, to understand the genuine ramifications of every single financial activity the Fed has had the option to execute through the span of the most recent three years. To begin with, the current financial emergency starts from the key change in harmony inside lodging markets, just as the decrease in house costs â€Å"as the market gives back the over the top piece of the ascent in genuine house costs †the part not supported by acknowledged rentals† (Wu, 2008). These basic movements have clearly affected the circumstance with business, banking, and development. Another arrangement of basic components is promptly noticeable in the money related part, where subprime contracts and the accompanying illiquidity and marked down flexibly of advances have driven the banks to the requirement for expanding their advantages and making their offer costs powerless against even the scarcest changes in business area (Kutter Mosser, 2007). The log jam of efficiency, the diminishing estimation of business and monetary desires, and oil costs have additionally contributed in the development of the current money related emergency, which is more the aftereffect of auxiliary moves in worldwide and national economy, as opposed to the immediate outcome of insufficient fiscal methodologies. In this specific circumstance, the regular inquiry is the thing that the Fed has done to diminish the negative effect of money related emergency on the significant areas of business and economy, and whether Fed’s macroeconomic strategies in their customary structure stay pertinent in the changing monetary and financial conditions. Since the finish of 2006 and up to the start of 2009, the progressive increment of the Fed’s hold adjusts has been the particular element of the Fed’s reaction to the growing monetary emergency. The expansion for possible later use adjusts have gotten especially noticeable and sharp before the finish of 2008, when the Fed confronted a genuine need to furnish banks and business elements with extra liquidity instruments and advances (Lacker, 2009). In an exceptionally brief timeframe period, the Fed has expanded the hold adjusts flexibly by more than 100-crease, with the last arriving at the measure of $848 billion (Boivin Giannoni, 2008). Buying protections and giving budgetary establishments ensured credits was one reason for such sharp hold adjusts increment, yet past that, the Fed looked to back its advance exercises by making extra cash. It ought to be noted here, that with the need to acquire extra monetary instruments, the Fed can follow the three unique pathways: making cash, getting assets from the U. S. treasury, and giving obligation (Gilpin, 2008). Selling government protections is simply one more alternative the Fed can use to get extra assets. Critically, with the development of the financial dangers and during the principal long periods of emergency the Fed decided to follow the fourth way, modifying its portfolio to its monetary and money related needs by auctioning off government protections, yet with the measure of government protections being inadequate to keep up budgetary and fiscal security in the U. S. , the Fed has come to understand the requirement for making new cash. In the light of the fundamental auxiliary moves, and given the drawn out effects which the way toward making new cash delivers on all territories of monetary action, these macroeconomic approach choices have just transformed into the wellspring of expanding proficient concerns, and there are a few explanations behind that. Initially, the viability of government saves increment appears to be dubious because of the inflationary patterns with which it is generally related. Under the effect of falling ware costs, when swelling dangers appear at any rate unrealistic, the Fed by and by ought not lose the feeling of alert. The truth of the matter is that when the need pull back the assets and to lessen the measure of government saves emerges, the Fed is probably going to confront another inflationary test, and whether it can stay away from long haul increment in costs will rely upon the second the Fed decides for diminishing the measure of assets (Boivin Giannoni, 2008). Second, Gilpin (2008) proposes that as long as the Fed is progressively included into specific financing as a piece of its macroeconomic activities, the Fed’s autonomy from other legislative organizations gets superfluous and in any event far fetched. Rudebusch (2008) composes that â€Å"the ongoing solicitation by the Treasury for the Fed to help with making a Consumer and Business Loan Initiative is absolutely suggestive of the solicitation by Treasury for the Fed to assist in its own obtaining tasks before the Accord of 1950†. Along these lines, regardless of whether the Fed demonstrations as per macroeconomic standards or follows the suggestions and necessities of Congress will likewise decide its consistence as the focal money related body and as the wellspring of the major macroeconomic activities. At long last, as Congress is attempting to attach the Fed to its legitimate choices, and the Fed doesn't look past the requirement for making extra cash and applying specific subsidizing standards, the main impact the Fed has had the option to create is demonstrating its powerlessness to go about as a free money related body. The issue is that against the ceaseless accomplishment of its expansionary activities and the nonattendance of profound downturns, the Fed ended up amidst unsurprising strategies and functional macroeconomic rules. Since the finish of 2006, be that as it may, those rules and arrangements have progressively lost their viability (Rudebusch, 2008). Researchers and experts in financial aspects perceive the declining viability of the major Fed’s activities: the Fed is not, at this point ready to create quick constructive outcomes on the loan fees; the advantages of the major macroeconomic activities have been quieted by the home loan protections showcase issues; speculators are frustrated with the ongoing Fed’s choices †every one of these variables altogether contribute into the extension of the momentum budgetary emergency, making the money related picture of the Fed considerably increasingly negative. Until present, the ineffectual macroeconomic action of the Fed has just prompted re-gratefulness and reevaluation of the advantages of monetary upgrades and reactions to the changing financial conditions. Against the irregularity of the Fed’s choices, the extent of the Fed’s tasks was restricted to changing government supports rate and giving extra budgetary instruments. Central bank loaning in the more extensive macroeconomic settings has likewise become the subject of expanding proficient premium. Because of ongoing log jam, the Fed has built up an entire arrangement of loaning activities, which either focused on explicit gatherings of benefits, or explicit business elements or organizations, or suggested the requirement for standard rebate window loaning (Lacker, 2009). From the perspective of macroeconomics and the drawn out effect which these mediations will in general produce, before the center of 2008 the Fed had been attempting to give loaning in manners that would not expand the money related base yet would rather divert extra bank stores to cover its loaning duties. Since the finish of October 2008, in any case, the Fed has not, at this point had the option to keep up its money related base unaltered, and needed to join its loaning thoughts with extra financial boosts (Lacker, 2009). These loaning programs have been powerful to the degree that changed t

Operations Managment of Fullers Brewery and Vue Cinemas Term Paper

Activities Managment of Fullers Brewery and Vue Cinemas - Term Paper Example In thinking about the operational contrasts between the two organizations, the paper will currently give a sympathy of the operational angles considered in every one of the four factors of the four V model: Volume In the principal case, the volume of an activity just speaks to the degree of creation and will direct the general methodology utilized towards assembling or conveyance of a decent or administration (Fitzsimmons and Fitzsimmons, 2008). On account of Fuller’s Brewery volume can be estimated in various manners yet consistently relates back to the conveyance of a physical item. Basically, from an operational point of view, the volume is estimated in fluid volume estimations. From an unadulterated scale point of view, while the activities of Fuller’s Brewery are gathered in the Southeast, circulation happens on a national premise requiring an activity in scale which can suit such requests. By unmistakable difference, Vue as a specialist organization can't gauge vo lume on such a basic item premise, rather, volume here relates the quantity of â€Å"guest experiences† at the end of the day, the quantity of tickets offered to clients in a given period. While this might be valid for the primary item, it ought to likewise be shown that Vue makes a lot of benefit from the offer of auxiliary items, for example, drinks and bites, things which might be simpler to evaluate with conventional proportions of volume. Like, Fuller’s Brewery, Vue works on a national premise. In any case, as a specialist organization, such enormous volumes require an increasingly confined way to deal with gracefully, as opposed to a brought together creation and conveyance model as found in the previous business. Assortment speaks to the quantity of items or administrations gave by an administrator (Slack et al, 2010). Here an expansive or limited view might be taken of the assortment of items delivered inside an activity. For example taking the activity at Full er’s Brewery, at the wide degree of the activity can be part down into only two key item regions, barrel beers made for the authorized premises business and canned and packaged lagers intended to be sold from non-authorized premises, for example, the grocery store.

Sunset Boulevard Sequence Analysis Norma Desmond’s Final Scene - Literature Essay Samples

In Billy Wilder’s 1950 film Sunset Boulevard, Gloria Swanson plays a former silent film star named Norma Desmond who lives as a wealthy recluse in order to protect herself from the truth of her irrelevance in the public eye. In the film’s first act, Norma becomes involved in a complicated romantic relationship with a down-on-his luck screenwriter named Joe Gillis, played by William Holden. It is later revealed to Joe that Norma’s faithful butler Max, who works tirelessly to defend her delusions of grandeur, also happens to be her ex-husband and the director of the silent films that made her famous. In the film’s tense climax, Joe is shot dead by Norma as he tries to escape her luxurious mansion of broken dreams. Following his death is one of the most iconic sequences in film history. When Norma’s fantasy is threatened by the reality of her crime, she dissociates completely from reality and slips into a state of permanent psychosis in which she gives one last chilling performance. When dissecting the final shot sequence of the film we can see that Norma’s psychotic break and the driving forces behind it are depicted through ingenious use of editing techniques, shapes in composition and character blocking. The final sequence is prefaced by a scene in which Norma is shown in a catatonic state that is broken by Max announcing the arrival of the cameras. The police allow Norma to follow Max, as they believe it will make it easier to get Norma outside and into custody. Thus begins her final performance. Tactful eyeline and action match cuts are used in order to show the damaging, codependent nature of her relationship with Max that largely contributed to her loss of sanity. The most notable edits that illustrate this relationship are the eyeline match cuts of which there are several. When Norma enters the foyer of her mansion, she stands atop the stairway leading to the entrance still in somewhat of a trance, but when Max directs the lights toward her she looks down at him immediately. From this point on their gazes are locked on one another and each of the next eight cuts maintain the eyeline match between Norma and Max. This creates a visual tether between the two characters and shows th at neither of them are concerned with their surroundings in the moment. When Max calls â€Å"action!† and begins shooting, his cameras track Norma’s movement, creating an action match when the scene cuts to Norma descending down the stairs. These edits not only maintain continuity but show a codependence that protects Norma from the gaze of the onlooking crowd. This psychological isolation along with Max’s role in maintaining it reveals the foundation on which Norma’s fantasy has been built. One of the most iconic visual elements of Sunset Boulevard is Norma’s grandiose and somewhat dilapidated mansion. It stands as a signifier of Norma’s tendency to cling to the lavish lifestyle that she established as a silent film actress and its state of disrepair reflects her inability to maintain that lifestyle. The decision of choosing the foyer of the mansion as the setting for the film’s final sequence is profound as several elements of the space shine a light on Norma’s twisted mental state. The dark interior that surrounds her in the second shot of the sequence was a staple of silent films due to how it made actors stand out when set against it, and the dramatic decor scattered about—sconces, statues and an intricate tapestry—further adds to the old film set feel. This environment practically begs its inhabitants to slip into character as Norma does in this sequence as Salome and did earlier in the film when performing for Joe as Charl ie Chaplin. More noteable yet is what we see behind Max in the first couple seconds of the first shot of the sequence: the front door of the mansion guarded by two police officers. This is Norma’s destination and it’s the most important threshold in her story as it represents the barrier between a fantasy of lasting relevance and the real world that moves along without her. Norma’s means of reaching the exit is a downward spiraling staircase with a banister also decorated with spiral imagery. Norma’s descent down the spiral works on a literal and metaphoric level, as she becomes most separated from reality during her monologue at the base of the stairs. If stripped of all the actors and cameras, the setting alone would tell a story of a person trapped in a mythic past whose only means of escape is a descent into madness. Throughout the film, no more than four people are present inside Norma’s mansion at any one time, but in the film’s final sequence there are dozens of policemen, detectives and journalists crammed into each shot. The manner in which the characters are positioned and crowded into this series of shots helps emphasize the unhealthy relationship between Norma and the public whose, admiration fueled her rise to fame. In the second shot of the sequence as Norma is escorted out of her room and toward the stairs, she’s followed by a dark mass of cops and detectives who trail her until her progress is blocked by a wall of frantic journalists. Having been both prodded forward and stopped by crowds of strangers, Norma has no choice but to stand still. The next two shots of Norma include the heads of unknown onlookers in the foreground, a crowd in the background and Norma trapped in the midground. She is completely surrounded by observers with mixed intentions; some appearin g remorseful, some accusatory and some indifferent. This cluster of impeding humanity casts an oppressive feel over the entire sequence, showcasing the trappings of celebrity and the confusion of facing a crowd of complete strangers who each have their own judgements and preconceived notions regarding Norma, her career and her crime. The long take that shows Norma descending the staircase is interrupted by a cut to a row of judgmental observers who form a solid wall that recedes away from the camera from the left side of the frame to the right; they are seemingly infinite. On both sides of the staircase with Norma stand a dozen or so journalists and cops who remain almost perfectly frozen in place as she passes between them on her descent. The men are in various states of awe while watching Norma, but not a single person is moving downward with her or even facing in that direction. This figurative descent into madness is the only moment in the sequence when Norma isn’t being crowded by strangers. She’s left to fall on her own, but upon reaching the bottom of the stairs the waiting crowd closes in on her creating a closed frame shot that carries the film to its end. The strategic character blocking in this sequence conveys confusion and a feeling of overwhelming, unmanageable attention from a crowd who are all strangers to Norma. This implicates the outside world in Norma’s undoing by suggesting that her psychosis is protecting her from the psychologically overwhelming effects of constant observation. Through calculated use of editing, setting, and character blocking, Sunset Boulevard gives us a clearer idea of Norma’s sick mental state and the aspects of her life and surroundings that contributed to it. Her codependent relationship with Max, along with an unbalanced, confused connection to the public and a prolonged isolation in a time capsule-like home have, for better and worse, alienated Norma from reality. What will happen when she passes through the threshold of her home into police custody is left to the audience to guess, but it’s made clear when she addresses us at the base of the stairs that her psyche is badly damaged. In the final shot of the film as Norma stares directly into the camera, we see the soft-focus glow that was a trademark of the silent film era increase in intensity before enveloping her completely as the film fades to black. Norma’s mind has finally been wholly consumed by the past that she’s long yearned for, but her hollow, wide-eyed gaze lives on in the minds of all who beheld it, pleading with us to consider our own role in her descent.

Women Equality Men - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 28 Words: 8449 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Sociology Essay Type Argumentative essay Did you like this example? Today, women have gained a new equality with men. This perspective is indisputable This review explores the contemporary literature on the theme of women and work in the light of the suggestion that women have indisputably gained a new equality with men. Overwhelming evidence has been found for the persistence of gender inequalities which work to disadvantage women in the context of work, including domestic work, although it is clear that providing explanations for this phenomenon has shown that the issue is complex and highly contested. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Women Equality Men" essay for you Create order It is argued that a redefinition and re-interpretation of the inter-dependence between paid and unpaid work, care and leisure is needed. There seems no doubt that in order for there to be a greater measure of real gender equality, male identity, in particular, must beer-examined and changed. It seems clear that research and policy are focusing more on the ways in which caring, in particular, is perceived and constructed in gender terms. However, in order to effect real change in gender equality, it is argued that there must be recognition of the myriad of ways in which both masculinities and femininities are constructed and interact with each other in this complex field. Chapter One Introduction The focus of this literature review is upon the theme of women and work within the context of the premise that women have gained an indisputable equality with men. Whilst it seems, in theory, more equitable, to have included commentary and research in equal amounts from men and women, an exploration of the literature revealed a far greater contribution to the debate from women than from men, perhaps by virtue of womens perception of their own disadvantaged position, and this bias is consequently reflected in the variety of sources cited. Literature search was conducted within a University library database, using the search criteria women and work and gender equality and work and this yielded access to a selection of books and articles. The sources selected for inclusion in the review were restricted to those which specifically focus upon gender differences and inequalities in the realm of work, defined in its widest sense to include that undertaken within the household as well as work in the formal labour market. Due to the plethora of writing and research in this field, the decision was made to restrict sources to those produced within the last ten years, thus maintaining a contemporary focus, although references are made to earlier works. Chapter topics reflect the themes which emerged from the literature. Chapter Two presents a historical overview of womens employment and the major ideology by which it has been underpinned in British society together with the ways in which the different patterns of employment between men and women have served to disadvantage women, particularly in economic terms. Chapter Three explores women as employees in more depth, particularly the ways in which organisations, occupations and spheres of work are profoundly gendered and how this, again, seems to work against women, although it will be shown that this is a contested area. The focus in Chapter Four is upon domestic labour and the ways in which its traditional construction as womens work has been strongly contested. The different ways in which work is itself construed, in both the traditional world of work and the private domain, sets the scene for a change of emphasis. The literature reflects a movement, in Chapter Five, from a concentration upon the inequalities and injustices heaped upon women through patriarchal structures towards a redefinition of the key issues through an exploration of the increasingly blurred distinctions between paid work, unpaid domestic work, care and leisure. A reinterpretation of caring and how this may be incorporated into the discourse on gender and work has been highlighted. It is argued that there is a clear need for more serious account to be taken of the lived experiences of both men and women, to celebrate, rather than denigrate, gender differences and to strive to understand the ways in which such differences are constructed in ways which may disadvantage both men and women. Chapter Two The nature and extent of womens employment Many commentators have noted the different ways in which women and men have organized their lives together and how the work that each undertakes has changed and developed over time (Crompton, 1997; Hatt,1997). Crompton (1997) describes how the gender division of labour originated from, and was profoundly reshaped by, the advent of industrialisation in Britain. By the turn of the 20th century, men became increasingly associated with paid or market work, whilst women were identified with the household and non-market work. This trend became intimately connected with an ideology of womanhood which effectively served to exclude women from market work. As Crompton asserts, the male-breadwinner model emerged from the ideology of separate spheres in which the home and domestic sphere was defined as belonging to women, whilst that of the outside world including the workplace was defined as that of men (1997, p.8). There seems little doubt, as will become clear later in this review, that assuming the main responsibility for household tasks and child-rearing has had a significant impact upon womens participation in market work. The idea that this responsibility is somehow natural can be said to underpin many family-related explanations for womens behaviour in the labour market, however, this is clearly a contentious issue. Those who support the view that the gender division of labour manifested in todays society is rooted in biological differences between the sexes include Hakim (1995; 1996) and Browne (1998). Hakim (1995), for example, sets out to explain the particular patterns of womens employment in Britain and how they are distinct from those of men. She draws on findings from the socio-biological field which cite male traits of aggressiveness, dominance and competitiveness as rooted in hormonal differences between men and women. These natural masculine traits are seen as instrumental in the disproportionate participation and success of men in the employment sphere. In similar vein, Browne (1998) argues, that biologically influenced sex differences in behaviour have important ramifications for the occupational choices made by men and women in the working sphere and their differential employment patterns. Whilst clearly decrying outright sexual discrimination, Browne suggests that much of the glass ceiling and gender gap is the product of basic biological sex differences in personality and temperament acting in the context of the modern labour market and that these differences are the product of differential reproductive strategies followed by the two sexes during the course of human evolution (1998, p.5). Browne argues that instead of denying the reality of these natural sex differences in the pursuit of socially constructed explanations for the gender gap, it will be more productive for feminists, in particular, to embrace them and incorporate them into future discourse about work. Hakim (1995; 1996) is also critical of feminist commentators on womens employment, such as Wallaby (1990), who have suggested that occupational segregation, the construction of womens jobs as separate from mens jobs, has been a mechanism through which women have been systematically denied access to jobs by men. Hartmann (1982), as cited by Crompton (1997), described the rationale behind occupational segregation by sex as the mechanism through which mens superiority over women is maintained by enforcing lower wages for women in the labour market in order ensure their dependence on men. Hartmann (1982) asserts that men benefit from both higher wages and the domestic division of labour and thus, the latter, in turn, serves to perpetuate womens inferior position in the labour market (Crompton,1997, p.11). Hakim argues against this analysis, however, suggesting that the different pattern of womens labour-force participation and work commitment is due to womens choices according to their tastes and preferences. Hence, some women choose to give more priority to their domestic role and child-rearing and less to their employment careers, though, for example, working part-time rather than full-time or opting for less demanding occupations (Hakim, 1996). Hat (1997) discusses the issue of gender and work from an economic perspective and points out that the labour resources of an economy include women and men engaging in productive activity in both the labour market and the household. The working population, however, is term most often used, particularly by economists, to describe those women and men who are engaged in paid employment, self-employment, in Forces, on work-related training schemes or registered as unemployed. This effectively excludes all those women or men in the unpaid sector and full-time homemakers. Hat (1997) records that in1993, in the 16 to 64 age group, 71% of all men and 53% of all women were participating in the working population. The Equal Opportunities Commission report that in the same age group in 2004, over 83% of men and 70% of women were economically active (EOC, 2005, p.8). Although caution is needed in comparisons between different sets of statistics, it seems clear that a larger proportion of men than of women participate in the working population but the gap would seem to be closing. It is notable, however, that patterns of labour force participation by women and men are both distinct and different. Hat (1997) notes that, in 1993, for prime age male workers aged 24 to 49, participation rates were over 90%, declining after the age of 50. For women in 1993, the participation rate was 71% for the age range 24 to 34, falling to 54%for women with a child under 5 years old, increasing again as children enter school. Similarly, in 2004, 52% of mothers with children under 5years old were in employment, of these women, around 66% were working part-time. Crompton (1997) observes that almost all of the increase in womens employment in Britain from the 1950s until the 1980s was impart-time work. This trend is further underlined in the latest statistics in that nearly half of all women (44%) and about 10% of all men work part-time (EOC, 2005). As the statistics show, clearly women are more likely than men to work on a part-time basis. Writers seem divided as to explanations for this phenomenon. Wallaby (1990), for example, has suggested that the expansion of part time employment represents a kind of capitalist, patriarchal conspiracy in which mainly male employers have secured womens cheap and docile labour, whilst at the same time freeing women to continue undertaking domestic labour in the home. Crompton(1997), also, notes that part-time work.has a reputation of being insecure, low-paid and with little by way of training or promotion prospects (p.33). She cites Beeches and Perkins (1987) who suggest that certain jobs were actually constructed as part-time jobs because they were seen as womens jobs, invariably low graded and rarely defined as skilled (Crompton, 1997, p.33). Other writers, such as Hakim (1996), deny the assertion that employers have sought to construct poor work for women, asserting instead that it is women themselves who have demanded part-time work to fit in with their other domestic responsibilities employers have simply responded to meet this demand (Hakim, 1996). Evidence from research by Rubbery et al(1994), however, suggests that not only is part-time work less flexible than full-time work and of inferior quality, but also it has been developed largely to suit the needs of the employer. Since most part-time workers are women, it is women who are most affected by the disadvantages associated with this mode of work. Chapter Three Women as employees Hat (1997) traces the changes in the working population and employment patterns of men and women in recent decades, pointing out that whilst there has been a decline in male employment since 1980, female employment since that time has increased. She cites the official census data from 1994 which revealed that this latter increase was due to a greater proportion of mothers entering paid employment (Hatt,1997). It has been well-documented that within the labour market, women play a different role from men. As we have seen, women are more likely than men to work part-time and, as Hat observes, they also work in different industries from men, occupy different positions even within mixed industries and are under-represented in senior positions(1997, p.17). Many commentators have noted that women are concentrated in certain industries and occupations, such as clerical work, catering, cleaning and caring work whereas men are more often found in the manufacturing sector and the construction industry, for example (Hat, 1997; Franks,1999; Moe, 2003). Even when women and men are found in the same sector, men tend to occupy the more senior positions with women more often situated in the lower ranks of the hierarchy (Hat, 1997; Franks,1999). As Hat (1997) records, women are under-represented at senior-levels throughout all occupational categories (p.21). Crompton(1997) examines the banking industry, in some detail, as an example of the response to labour market demands for low-level clerical workers. She describes how this industry, along with others such as insurance and local government, helped to generate a mass, feminized clerical labour force (Crompton, 1997, p.107). Both direct and indirect discriminatory practices against women within particular banks came to light and pressure from the Equal Opportunities Commission forced some important policy changes. Crompton (1997) acknowledges that there have been major changes to employment practices in the financial sector in general, in later years, as far as gender equality is concerned. She cites structural factors, such as the demand for labour and the organization of the labour process alongside male exclusionary practices as the main contributors to the unequal position of female employees within the banking sector. She also concedes, however, that despite recent reforms, women continue to far outweigh men in occupying low-level positions in banking. It is useful, at this point, to identify the key pieces of government legislation in the UK which have been designed to directly address the issue of equal opportunities between women and men. The first is these Discrimination Act 1975 which promoted the basic principle that men and women should not be less favourably treated by virtue of their sexier marital status. The other is the Equal Pay Act 1975 designed to outlaw discrimination between women and men in the same employment, in pay and other conditions regarding their contracts of employment. This Act was later amended in 1984 to incorporate the Equal Pay for Equal Value principle. In addition to these Acts, the UK is also bound by Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome to uphold European Community equal treatment and equal pay directives (Griffin, 2002). The Equal Opportunities Commission, set up through the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975, functions as the expert organisation on equality between women and men, its main tasks being to work towards the elimination of discrimination; to promote equality of opportunity and to keep under review the effectiveness of the Sex Discrimination and Equal Pay Acts (Griffin, 2002, p.11). In the area of what has become known as the gender pay gap, it seems that, in general, the gap between male and female earnings has narrowed over the past 60 years, but the trend has been inconsistent. For example, female managers and administrators earned 55% of the annual earnings of their male counterparts on 1970, compared to only 33% in the mid 1920s (EOC,1999). However, this discrepancy narrowed by only 1% in this field of work between the mid 1950s and 1970. Since 1970, although this gap has narrowed significantly with women earning 63% of the pay of their male counterparts, compared to 81% for 1998, it was noted that in all ethnic groups, men have higher average hourly earnings than women(EOC, 1999, p.5). This statistical evidence for the steady narrowing of the gender pay gap appears encouraging in terms of the equality agenda. However, as Griffin (2002) observes, there are other relevant issues. She records that, when we look at all sources of income, including earnings from employment and self-employment, occupational pensions, investment and benefit income, womens income is significantly lower than that of men, apart from state benefits. For example, figures taken from the EOC forth year 1996-7 showed that 45% of women had an income of less than100 a week as compared with 20% of men (Griffin, 2002). More latterly, the EOC has recorded that the gender gap in terms of income has remained quite high, stating that the gender gap between women and mens mean individual incomes in 2002/3 was 46% (EOC, 2005). The EOC (2001) records that despite improvements in recent years, stereotyping remains evident in many professional occupations. Notwithstanding the evidence that greater numbers of women are entering certain professions, such as higher education or the law, womens share of higher level jobs remains generally low. Certain professional and technical occupations, the occupational segregation noted earlier, apparently continue to be heavily dominated by either men or women(EOC, 2001). Empirical studies, especially within the feminist perspective over the past two decades, have moved away from the study of organizational structures per se in order to seek explanations for this persistence in the positioning of men and women in the workplace. Writers such as Pringle (1988), Chodorow (1989) and Halford and Savage(1995), for example, have instead demonstrated how specific kinds of masculinities and femininities, and discourses of gender, are constructed within the workplace. The emphasis here is upon recognizing the diversity of discourses on what it is to be a male or female employee and, ultimately, to avoid over-generalising about all men or all women. One example of this is illustrated by Crompton(1997) in her exposition of different masculinities in the banking industry. She charts the movement within managerial positions in banking from a need for solid, paternalistic men towards the requirement for a more competitive, assertive masculinity within selling culture. Crompton (1997), however, argues that although these discursive, post-modern insights do much to enhance our understanding of the pattern of womens employment, and the different ways in which gender is constructed in the workplace, structural or material explanations remain important. Nazarko (2004) offers a contemporary analysis of the barriers faced by women in the workplace. She maintains that the drive for equal opportunities has hitherto failed to challenge the premise that certain groups of workers such as women are less productive and less attractive to employers (p.25) or the assumption that older workers, including women, are less valuable. Nazarko highlights the popularity of organisational initiatives which promote diversity and difference in the field of human resources. Wilson and Iles (1999), for example, have argued that diversity management improves recruitment, retention and creativity within organisations (Nazarko, 2004, p.25). Nazarkocites researchers such as Rosner (1995) who have pointed out that women and men have different styles of working and managing. Women, for example, tend to use interactional styles in management, encouraging participation, sharing power and information and energising others. In contrast, men tend to use transactional styles, seeing pieces of works series of transactions. Both styles are seen as equally valid and also, may be the preferred model for any individual, regardless of gender. It is argued, then, that both organisations and employees will benefit from initiatives which value diversity and difference, since people would be evaluated and treated as individuals, rather than asocial groups and associated stereotypical connotations. Nazarko(2004), however, fears that the diversity approach does not necessarily eliminate the power structures which persist in society. She argues that until female dominated professions such as nursing are valued as much as male dominated professions like the police force, it is difficult to see how gender equality can be attained. Chapter Four Domestic labour womens work? It is well-documented that the Industrial Revolution within the western world generated a distinction between paid work outside the home and unpaid domestic labour within the household. Mens economic activity came to be focused upon paid work, hence the male breadwinner model, whilst women have commonly divided their working lives between the unpaid domestic sphere and activity in the labour market. Hat(1997) represents the feminist approach to this issue by highlighting the way in which women have long been disadvantaged, particularly in economic terms, by their traditional domestic responsibilities. Not only does their focus upon unpaid domestic task constrain their participation in paid work, domestic work itself is an unpaid economic activity which has for too long passed unnoticed; the skills, which the successful homemaker acquires, go unrecognized in wage and promotion schemes (Hat, 1997, p.50). The terms upon which both men and women are able to participate within the labour market are very different and in this respect, it would seem difficult to argue for a level of equality between the sexes. Many commentators have noted, household and child-rearing duties weigh more heavily upon women than men and have traditionally been excluded from economic analyses of participation in work in the widest sense(Crompton, 1997; Hat, 1997; Franks, 1999). As Hat observes household responsibilities and paid employment are both valid productive activities but they are not equally rewarded by society(1997, p. 49). DE et al (1995), in their analysis of the British Household Panel Survey in the mid 1990s, point out that very few men cited household or family responsibilities as affecting their labour market behaviour, whereas over 80% of women surveyed felt that their labour market participation had been adversely affected by these duties. As Franks(1999) points out, work has come to be synonymous with having a paid job and its counterpart is regarded as leisure. Thus, other kinds of activity such as cleaning the house, doing the shopping, cooking and caring for children and elderly relatives do not officially count as work, although for those involved, it may actually feel very much like work. Underpinning the traditional sexual division of labour is the idea that mens paid work is dependent upon a shadow economy of womens unpaid work (Franks, 1999). Thus, the increased participation of women in the formal paid workforce throws the spotlight onto the status of what had always essentially been regarded as a labour of love. Franks (1999) presents the example of widowed fathers who do not receive the lump sums, tax allowances and continuing state benefits received by widowed mothers. A missing fathers financial contributions recognised, whereas a widowers deceased partner is considered to have had no economic value. One solution offered by some economists has been to officially regard this labour as a form of taxation whereby all of society benefits from it as if they were paying directly to the state (Franks, 1999). Other commentators (Charles and Kerr, 1999); Morris, 1999) have also stressed that despite the contemporary rhetoric of equality between the sexes, the traditional ideology which divides men and women into breadwinner and homemaker is still very much alive. Charles andKerr (1999), for example, point out that even where there may have been certain egalitarian sharing of domestic tasks within couples initially, once children arrive on the scene it is almost always the case that the woman takes on the responsibility for child-care and household tasks whilst the man takes on the role of breadwinner. It is argued that although, ostensibly, this arrangement may appear to be complementary relationship with roles being different but equal, there is a differential allocation of power which renders women disadvantaged. On giving up paid work outside the home, or taking on lower-paid, low-status part-time work, women relinquish their power and status, at least economically (Charles and Kerr, 1999). Having responsibility for decisions about food purchase, or other household necessities, cooking and childcare, it is argued, effectively constitutes the exercise of power by women in other peoples interests. As Charles and Kerr suggest, most of them (women) carryout these tasks within a set of social relations which denies them power, particularly when they are at home all day with young children and are dependent for financial support on a man (1999, p.192). There is a large body of contemporary opinion, evident in the literature, which calls for a redress of balance between the fundamental economic inequity between men and women, particularly within the family unit which includes dependent children. Franks(1999), for example, suggests that there will never be genuine equality between men and women if male identity remains unaltered and unpaid work continues to be shuffled off onto women (p.4). Franks goes on to assert that in a market system where unpaid work is invisible, there is no incentive for men to change their identity to encompass low-status, financially worthless activity (1999, p.4). Crompton (1997) presented her own analysis of the relationship between employment and the family with particular reference to the extent to which there has been any change in the domestic division of labour. She acknowledges that there has been some change, albeit very slow, and she cites research byGershuny et al (1994) who describe the process as one of lagged adaptation in which changes tend to occur most often when women are engaged in full-time employment. Other researchers have found that although men, mainly middle-class men, have expressed a desire to become more involved in domestic and child care arrangements, there is little evidence that equal parenting is the reality (Lupton and Barclay, 1997). A more recent briefing by the Equal Opportunities Commission observes that there are many ways in which education, the family and access tithe labour market interact to produce different opportunities for women and men and which result in both men and women experiencing discrimination by virtue of gender. In relation to women in particular, this briefing comments that womens work should beer-evaluated, so that it is no longer undervalued and poorly paid(EOC, 2002, p.1). Hat, in her analysis of gender, work and labour markets, concluded that the domestic division of labour would certainly seem to lead to social injustice and it is debatable whether it furthers the efficient operation of the economy (1997, p.50). Vogel and Pal (1999) present an interesting exposition of the connections between money and power and men and women within households. Their own research found that, in general, the partner with the greater income was likely to be more dominant indecision-making, with women partners in paid employment having greater power than those who work only in the home. There appear to have been few large-scale studies which have focused upon the experiences of social equality, or inequality, between individual members of the same household. The research conducted by Vogel and Pal (1999) draws on typology, constructed by Pal (1989), of household financial allocation systems, constituting the female whole-wage system, the housekeeping allowance system, the pooling system and the independent management system. In the female whole-wage system, women were given their husbands pay packet, and had sole responsibility for managing the whole household budget. In the housekeeping allowance system, the women were given a fixed sum for housekeeping expenses, the men having prime responsibility for other expenditure. The pooling system was used where partners pooled their earnings and shared access to and responsibility for managing expenditure from the common, joint fund. Finally, the independent management system operated where both partners had independent incomes (usually dual-earner couples), each partner taking responsibility for particular items of expenditure, although this may vary over time. Vogel and Pal (1999) conducted a survey, combined with interviews, of1,211 couples across six British urban areas, covering Swindon, Aberdeen, Northampton, Coventry, Rochdale and Kirkcaldy. Respondents, aged between 20 and 60 years, were questioned on the household financial allocation system which came closest to their own mode of household finance management. By far the most common system used waste pool which was adopted by half of all the couples surveyed, with the remaining half choosing one of the other segregated systems (Voglerand Pal, 1999). The data was further analysed to determine the relationship between strategic financial control and access to money as a resource within the households studied. It was found that in the joint pooling households joint management was associated with both equal strategic control over finances and also with equal access to money as a resource (Vogel and Pal, 1999, p.143). In the female-controlled management systems, constituting just over two-fifths of the sample, a disjunction was found between control over finances and access to money as a resource. The researchers highlighted their finding that even where ostensibly, these women had greater financial control and power in decision-making, significantly higher levels of personal deprivation were experienced by the women with the men more likely to have more personal spending money than their female partners, especially in lower-income families. As Vogel and Pal observe, where the opportunities for exercising financial power are heavily circumscribed by low income and by the husbands expectation of personal spending money, responsibility may be a more appropriate term than control! (1999, p.144). This more detailed analysis presented by Vogel and Pal (1999), together with that of other researchers, such as Morris (1999), provides evidence for the ways in which patterns of gender and class inequalities tend to interlock to increase the differences between women and men. A different perspective upon the issue of gender differences and gender equality in the arena of household work and parenting is provided bother researchers. Doucette (1995), for example, highlights the tendency for debates on this issue to become focused upon the relationship between womens greater responsibility for household work and caring role, and their relative inequality to men in employment and public life. She argues that whilst this is an important issue, insufficient account has been taken of the various configurations that gender differences may take within household life (Doucette, 1995, p.271). Doucette suggests that much of the literature on the gender division of household labour is situated within an equality or equal rights framework, which itself, tends to be constructed through a masculine perspective. For example, she argues that a male model of minimal participation in housework and child care is pitched in relation to a male model of full-time employment (Doucette, 1995, p. 274). Whilst it is clearly documented that womens employment is compromised through the need for women, as a group, to balance their paid and domestic work, it may be argued that women and men cannot simply be lumped together as two homogeneous groups. Doucette suggests that relatively scant attention has been paid to the differences among women and among men and also the changes in household tasks over time. For example, the various developmental stages and changing needs of children as they grow up elicit different demands and responses from parents. Much of the commentary on the gender division of household labour and parenting work, as Doucette (1995) suggests, tends to be focused on particular conception of work. Whilst some of the gender differences found in the research may well be problematic and disadvantageous indifferent ways for both men and women, it is possible to address themes simply differences which are neither deficiencies nor disadvantages (Doucette, 1995, p.276). Doucets own research, for example, found that not all household tasks are perceived as chores particularly, child-care related activities which many experienced much more as pleasures rather than work. The tensions between work and home, between parents own needs and those of their children, are often constructed as having one easy resolution, in terms of employment outside the home. The downside of difference in terms of womens disadvantage in economic terms through taking part-time employment, for example, it is argued, has tended to receive too much attention. Thus, when women have stated their preference for part-time work, or where women successfully negotiate favourable part-time working conditions, there is little recognition that this might possibly be something positive(Doucette, 1995, p. 278). In this analysis, then, caring work, particularly child care work, is conceived as undervalued, neglected or ignored altogether, having been subsumed under the tendency to situate it as a symbol of entrenched gender inequality. Doucette highlights the ambivalence regarding what actually constitutes gender equality and which gender differences should ultimately be permitted to prevail. As Doucette suggests just as there are varied meanings attached to household work tasks, there are diverse definitions about what it means to share the household work or to be an egalitarian couple (1995, p.279). Doucette, then, calls for an insider perspective on the issue of gender and household labour, in order to investigate and value how men and women understand and construct their lives. The findings from her own research suggest that it would be more productive to explore gender differences and the disadvantages which follow from such differencesrather than arguing for equality between men and women within household life (Doucet,1995, p.280). Furthermore, it seems we will also profit from redefining and interpreting the variety of caring work that takes place within households with children. Chapter Five Blurred distinctions the interplay between paid work, unpaid work and care We have seen how labour market work and household, or domestic, work are essentially interconnected in ways which have served to disadvantage women, particularly economically. Glickman (1995)presented an exposition of the totality of labour which she saw as theatre-dependence between these two types of work, the market and household economies constituting two arenas within a larger structure of production and reproduction. She stresses how work as employment is essentially embedded in other activities and relationships. Crompton echoes this point, suggesting that any account of the expansion of womens employment cannot be divorced from the wider changes taking place in the structure of employment as a whole (1997, p.129). These changes include the decline in work available in the manufacturing industry, the shift to service employment, increased employment flexibility and diversity and, of course, the huge growth evident in the electronic and computer field. As women engage in more paid work, their traditional role in carrying out domestic work and caring will increasingly need to be fulfilled through other means. Such work involves the creation of more jobs in areas such as take-away meals, crches, nurseries and retirement homes which, by virtue of having been historically considered as womens work, will be poorly paid. This could be avoided however, if certain jobs were afforded a higher status through greater social protections such as holiday entitlements, regulation of working hours, sick-pay and pension schemes together with more family-friendly policies (Crompton,1997). In the arena of caring, the qualities and skills involved must be recognised as extremely valuable and essential to society as awhile. If properly regulated and organised, caring constitutes a source of worthwhile employment for both men and women. However, as Crompton (1997) and others have pointed out, these changes require shift in attitude on the part of men in particular which may not be attained easily. Crompton asserts that men are particularly vulnerable in that they are ill-prepared for the workplace and family flexibilities that are increasingly required today (1997, p. p.136). Pal, also, comments that it may well be that most men experience womens growing success in all spheres as a kind of threat they are reluctant to acknowledge(1995, p.191). Furthermore, men, in general, are receiving very little support and understanding for the changes they are forced to undergo (Pal, 1995, p.194). While Crompton (1997) acknowledges that households, and families, are becoming more fragile as more women take up paid employment, she concludes optimistically that, on balance, the gender division of labour between the sexes is becoming increasingly blurred, and with more egalitarian outcomes (p.5). The Equal Opportunities Commission produced a briefing in 2000 called the work-life balance, highlighting the theme of caring and work. It recorded that in 1999, the employment rate for fathers and mothers in couples was 90 and 69% respectively (EOC, 2000, p.3) and stated that there is now a mismatch between peoples caring and parenting responsibilities and the demands of inflexible employment patterns(EOC, 2000, p.1). The Commission emphasised the need for work-life policies to include flexibility in working hours, job-sharing and forms of leave which not only consist of annual, maternal and parental leave but also study leave and employment breaks. Their briefing suggests that family-friendly policies are not widely available or evenly spread between the sexes despite the statistical evidence showing that a high proportion of both men and women are in paid employment and have caring responsibilities. In addition to the policies mentioned above, the EOCultimately called for a reduction of long hours working; more encouragement for men to take an active role in parenting and greater protection from discrimination for carers and others with family responsibilities, (2000, p.1). The complex relationship between paid, unpaid work and caring is particularly illustrated by the situation of lone parenthood. At the turn of the millennium, the number of lone parent households was estimated to be over one million, and including about two million children (Perrons, 2000). In the region of 85 of all households were recorded as headed by lone parents, 905 of whom were lone mothers (EOC,1999). The labour governments response to these figures, derived in large measure from its concerns about lone parenthood costing the state around 10 billion per year, was to introduce the New Deal for Lone Parents in order to move them from welfare into work (Harman, 1997). Two associated policies include Fairness at Work (HMSO, 1998), designed to increase opportunities for women in paid work, and the National Childcare Strategy (HMSO, 1998) which aims to expand the provision and accessibility of high quality, affordable child care. A critique of these government initiatives has included questions about the equitability between those parents who are subsidised for taking unpaid work, while others care for their children themselves entirely at their own expense. Perrons (2000) observes that whilst initiatives such as the National Childcare Strategy and the Working Families Tax Credit Scheme are likely to increase child care provision and help with child care costs for low-income families, there will continue to be nonfinancial care assistance for higher paid women or for those who choose to stay at home. It can be argued, then, that these strategies only serve to perpetuate the male model of work and employment and continue to ignore, and downgrade, the value of the domestic sphere and child care. The goal of affordable and high quality child care, for example, may be said to contain an inherent contradiction which, ultimately, perpetuates disadvantage for women. Affordability implies low cost which, in turn, may be translated into low pay for those people providing the care who are, at present, overwhelmingly women! Unger son (2000) illustrates the circularity of this situation by noting that it is usually women in low paid jobs who pay a high proportion of their wages to low paid, mainly female, childcare workers (p.641). Perrons concludes that as long as either individual or collective care is disproportionately supplied by low-paid female labour then class divisions between women will increase and gender inequity will remain(2000, p.110). Within the context of overall social reproduction, it seems clear that these issues may be resolved only through linking workplace equity and child care provision. Perrons (2000) points out that the distinctions between the two are far from clear-cut. For example, mothers in paid work have perceived going to work as a means of establishing social networks and maintaining their self-esteem (Perrons, 2000). Similarly, caring for people, such as organising play activities for children, or taking a child to the park, can be pleasurable and fulfilling. It would seem, then, that, as Perrons (2000) notes, there is a need to consider how we may apportion peoples needs and the division of their labour more evenly between these activities so that everyone may benefit. Perrons (2000) highlights the efficacy of the Universal Caregiver Model, devised by Fraser (1996) which essentially advocates drawing upon the resources of those people in both paid and caring work which are presently untapped. Formal hours would be reduced for those in paid work, enabling more people to participate in income earning which would, in turn, provide opportunities for all to share in care work (Perrons, 2000, p.111). McKee and colleagues (2002) also criticise public policy and stress that generally it has not demonstrated an awareness of the everyday demands on people, particularly parents, across the life course. They propose a new theoretical model of paid work, unpaid work and caring which they call a caring cape perspective which takes account of the combined processes of caring and working in terms of the myriad of experiences of both parents both temporally and spatially. They point out that care needs change as children grow and parents working and caring patterns also change over time. For example, care tasks become more complex as children go to school with attention turning to afterschool care and activities as well as school holiday arrangements. McKee et al (2002) draw on the research of Adam (1995) who studied parents attempts to negotiate paths through their caring tasks overtime and spatially. Adam (1995) has observed a gendering of time in which men and women evaluate time and tasks differently and this impacts on power and the ability to negotiate every day and longer term childcare work and plans (McKee et al, 2002, p.907). A caring scape perspective, according to McKee et al, takes account of the complexity of spatial-temporal frameworks through which a variety of choices about caring and working are mapped and shaped by people. It questions the association between female biology (pregnancy and childbirth) and feminized tasks, such as housework or childcare, and the equation that has historically been made between naturalness and the caring duties expected of women. McKee et al (2002) argue that future research into the theme of working and caring must seek to place time-space perspectives as central to ensure that the complexities of the everyday management of combining work and caring are fully explored. It seems that research seeking to uncover the persistent inequalities, both in the home and in the workplace, which leave women with the greatest responsibility for informal caring, will continue to be required. Equally, however, there is also a need for research into the structural barriers to caring experienced by men who would prefer to (or should) become more involved with informal caring in the home (McKee, 2002, p.918). The concept of the caring cape, at least from a theoretical standpoint, would seem to provide a useful framework from which to analyse the myriad of lived experiences of the caring and working lives of both men and women. It places the time-space perspective as a central feature, encouraging development from a unit-dimensional to a multi-dimensional approach which, it is hoped, will generate more sophisticated and imaginative policy recommendations in this complex field. Chapter Six Conclusion This review of the literature on women and work began with an overview of the origins of the gender division of labour in Britain which focused on the emergence of the male breadwinner/female homemaker model of gender relations and its impact upon womens participation in the labour market. Arguments for the connection between basic biological differences between the sexes and the persistence of gender differences both within the modern labour market and the private domain of the household were illustrated through the work of Hakim (1995; 1996) and Browne (1998). It is argued that whilst such a perspective should not be dismissed out of hand, the debate is a complex one. There remains strong evidence for the social construction of gender differences and deep-rooted patriarchal structures within our society which have systematically created and perpetuated gender inequalities to disadvantage women (Crompton, 1997; Hat, 1997; Franks, 1999). The literature on womens employment within the labour market (Chapter Three) has revealed contested views regarding the underlying explanations for the different patterns of labour force participation between men and women. Commentators such as Wallaby (1990), Hat (1997),Franks (1999), Griffin (2002) and Moe (2003) have argued that from an economic perspective, the labour resources within society must include both the productive activity in the labour market and that within the household and, furthermore, that the two are inextricably linked. Hat(1997) and Crompton (1997), for example, argue that patriarchal structures have played a central role in constructing the inferior position of women in the labour market, through such mechanisms as occupational segregation and part-time working. Hakim (1995; 1996), on the other hand, presents a persuasive argument for womens ability to make rational choices and decisions for themselves according to their own perceived needs and preferences. The persistence of gender differences in patterns of labour market participation, particularly in the huge growth of part-time employment and also in the context of well-established anti-discrimination legislation and numerous government initiatives to dismantle the barriers to gender inequality in the workplace, seems to add weight to Hakims argument. The evidence presented in Chapter Three, particularly the analyses offered by Chodorow (1989), Halford and Savage (1995) and Nazarko(2004), for example, offers informative insights into the ways in which gender is constructed both between and within different occupations and labour market sectors. There seems to be a strong case for a focus upon gender differences, rather than gender inequalities, and particularly the ways in which different masculinities and femininities are constructed and manifested in the workplace. Such a focus seems tube a more positive and constructive way to move forward in the arena of women and work. The crucial issue to emerge from the commentary seems to be the need to ensure that feminine constructions are as highly valued, within the discourse on gender and work, as masculine ones have been. The increasing body of research into the issue of domestic labour provides overwhelming evidence that this area has been neglected, ignored and undervalued for too long. Research in this area has extended our understanding of work in the widest sense, and how the increased participation of women in the formal labour market has highlighted the status of unpaid household work, traditionally, as a labour of love overwhelmingly performed by women (DE et al, 1995;Franks, 1999). Some commentators have stressed the power differential between women and men, especially acute once the family includes dependent children. Charles and Kerr (1999), for example, highlighted the finding that ostensibly the breadwinner/home-maker and child carer model offers a measure of complementarity between the sexes. However, in reality, at least in economic terms, it seems that mothers, whether or not they are in paid employment, are denied power and status and therefore, are disadvantaged. The pressure for a change in male identity and the dismantling of patriarchal values is very strong, as evidenced in the commentary by Lupton and Barclay (1995), Crompton (1997) and Franks(1999), for example, as well as implicated in the statistical information given in the many briefings cited from the Equal Opportunities Commission. The interesting work conducted by Vogel and Pal (1999) regarding the economic systems adopted by couples within households is testimony tithe myriad of ways in which gender, money and power interact, largely, although not always, to the detriment of women. Finally, it is suggested that those researchers and theorists who focus attention on the diverse ways in which household labour, market labour and the caring role are perceived, constructed and lived by women and men seem to offer the most positive and constructive framework from which real change might be effected, to the advantage of both men and women. Its suggested that, in particular, men and women are likely to profit, ultimately from a redefinition and re-interpretation of the caring work taking place within households and this will, in turn, bring about a qualitative change towards greater real equality between the sexes in the arena of work in its widest sense. 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Gender and the Total SocialOrganisation of Labour, Gender, Work and Organisation, 2(2), pp. 63-75 Griffin, G (ed) (2002) Womens Employment, Womens Studies and Equal Opportunities 1945-2001, University of Hull Hakim, C (1995) Five Feminist Myths about Womens Employment, British Journal of Sociology, 46(3): pp. 429-55 Hakim, C (1996) Key Issues in Womens Work, Athlone Press, London Halford, S and Savage, M (1995) Restructuring Organisations, Changing People, Work, Employment and Society, 9(1), pp. 97-122 Harman, H (1997) Childcare is part of our economic infrastructure, Department of Social Security Press Release, July 15 Hat, S (1997) Gender, Work and Labour Markets, MacMillan Press Ltd, Basingstoke HMSO (1998) Fairness at Work, Stationery Office, London HMSO (1998) Meeting the Child Care Challenge: a Framework and Consultation Document, Cmnd 3959, The Stationery Office, London Lupton, D, Barclay, L (1997) Constructing Fatherhood: Discourses and Experiences, Sage, London Moe, K (ed) (2003) Women, Family and Work, Blackwell, Oxford Morris, L (1999) The Household and the Labour Market, in Allan, G,The Sociology of the Family, pp. 211-226, Blackwell, Oxford Nazarko, L (2004) All work and low pay, part 2: The challenge of diversity, Nursing Management, Vol. 11, No.3, pp.25-28 Pal, R (1995) After Success, Polity Press, Cambridge Perrons, D (2000) Care, Paid Work and Leisure: Rounding the Triangle, Feminist Economics 6(1), pp. 105-114 Pringle, R (1988) Secretaries Talk: Sexuality, Power and Work, Verso, London Rubbery, J (1994) Occupational Segregation: Plus Ca Change?, inLindley, R (ed) Labour Market Structures and Prospects for Women, Equal Opportunities Commission, Manchester Ungerson, C (2000) Thinking about the production and consumption oflong-term care in Britain: Does Gender still matter?, Journal ofSocial Policy, 29(4), pp. 623-43 Vogel, C and Pal, J (1999) Money, Power and Inequality in Marriage,in Allan, G, The Sociology of the Family, pp. 129-148, Blackwell,Oxford Wallaby, S (1990) Theorising Patriarchy, Basil Blackwell, Oxford

Consumer Behavior - 2178 Words

1. Using the tricomponent attitude model, compare the differences in attitude of consumers towards Kraft Foods versus their attitude towards Vegemite. The tricomponent attitude model is made up of Cognitive, Affective and Conative component. The three components are interrelated and integrate to form an attitude of a person toward any product or service in consumer scenario. Here we are studying how the consumers react to Kraft Food and Vegemite. Cognitive Component Cognition is basically making decisions going through a thinking process. So this thinking process can occur on the basis of knowledge and perceptions that already existed in the consumers minds. The Cognitive Component of attitude is developing a belief based on past†¦show more content†¦Elements of Consumer learning The basic elements that contribute to an understanding of learning are motivation, cues, response and reinforcement. Consumers will be motivated to learn if the information is relevant to their needs and goals while cues serve to direct consumer drives when they are consistent with consumer expectations. Response is how consumers react or behave to a drive or a cue while reinforcement increases the likelihood a response will occur in the future as a result of a cue. Kraft encouraged consumer input for their new Vegemite product through the â€Å"How do you like your Vegemite† and the â€Å"Name me..† campaign. By getting the consumers to be involved, the Australians will feel that they ‘own’ the brand which created the sense of belonging. Kraft asked consumers to log on to the website and post their ideas on the different ways they ate the product. Instrumental Conditioning Instrumental Learning theorists believe that learning occurs through a trial and error process in which the positive outcomes in the form of results or desired outcomes lead to repeat behaviour like Repeat Purchase or Repeat Positive Word of Mouth. Both positive and negative reinforcement can be used to encourage the desired behaviour. The timing of repetitions influences how long the learned material is retained. Learning usually persists longer with distributed re-inforcement schedule, while mass repetitions produce more initialShow MoreRelatedConsumer Behavior And Consumer Behaviour715 Words   |  3 Pages Consumer Behavior Consumer behavior is the study of consumers and the influences they go through to make particular purchasing decisions of products or services available in a market. As a discipline, consumer behavior delves into the dynamics of consumer rationale by evaluating their mindsets on certain items. Therefore, it combines aspects of economics, psychology, marketing and sociology in an attempt to derive a deeper understanding of the behavior of consumers. Moreover, it does not just evaluateRead MoreConsumer Behavior and Marketing: Factors Influencing Consumer Behavior1865 Words   |  8 PagesConsumer Behavior Marketing In their process of goods and services consumption customers are influenced by different factors that marketers study in order to satisfy customer’s needs. This research made on consumer behavior is important for companies in order to successfully establish their marketing plan, to sell their products or services and also to establish a good relationship with customers. 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Review Questions free essay sample

What are some factors (patterns of behavior) that project a company’s culture? List several examples from organizations you work in. The factors that are most important in the creation of an organization’s culture include founders’ values, preferences, and industry demands. A company’s culture, particularly during its early years, is inevitably tied to the personality, background, and values of its founder or founders, as well as their vision for the future of the organization. It is shaped in the early days of a company’s history. When entrepreneurs establish their own businesses, the way they want to do business determines the organization’s rules, the structure set-up in the company, and the people they hire to work with them. While founders undoubtedly exert a powerful influence over corporate cultures, the industry characteristics also play a role. Industry characteristics and demands act as a force to create similarities among organizational cultures. We will write a custom essay sample on Review Questions or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page For example, despite some differences, many companies in the insurance and banking industries are stable and rule oriented, many companies in the high-tech industry have innovative cultures, and companies in the nonprofit industry tend to be people oriented. 3. What are three major elements that complicate listening? Give customer-service related examples of each. The three elements that complicate listening comprise the internal, environmental and interactional elements. To start with, internal elements involve the use of words at a level that the hearer can hear, and the most importantly, can understand. Talking loudly and nonsensely or meaninglessly can totally deviate your customers from doing business with your company. The customer services on the phone can result in such scenario if the voice of the customer rep is too low or too loud, or the line is not clear or s/he uses very technical words that the receiver cannot understand. Secondly, the environmental factors â€Å"which determine what we are able to listen to and what we cannot. These factors can impact our individual ability to listen and our organization’s listening capacity, as well. These factors include:   Our individual listening capacity, the presence of noise, and the use or misuse of gatekeepers. † (Timm, Paul, Pg. 43) â€Å"In contrast to the environmental elements of the listening process, the interactional elements concern internal psychological processes that are not as easily identified. Two such psychological elements deserve careful consideration: self-centeredness and self-protection.